TEMPO.CO, Jakarta - Indonesian politics always includes an element of political horse-trading—the term for sharing out power among party elites through cabinet seats. Winning the 2024 presidential election with a majority vote of 58.6 percent, Prabowo Subianto is now facing demands from his party and supporting elites who paved his way to the presidency after three failed elections.
President Joko Widodo, who Prabowo Subianto acknowledges helped boost his vote share, has put forward some names of prospective ministers. The Golkar Party, which won the second highest number of seats, has asked for five posts. The Democrat Party, which was late joining the coalition and lost 10 seats, has increased the number of ministerial posts it is requesting because it feels it did the most to bring about Prabowo’s victory.
Vying for a slice of power after a general election is nothing new. Every president directly elected after the beginning of the Reformasi era has received requests from parties and non-party organizations that helped bring about his victory. Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono and Jokowi are two presidents who ‘sold’ power and posts after being elected president.
As a nation with a presidential system, the president has absolute authority to name his or her cabinet. The prerogative right in a presidential system even provides higher legitimacy than those elected as legislators. But in Indonesia, rather than bringing fortune, this position as first and foremost becomes a tool for sharing out power in the politics of accommodation.
As a mere party official and a president who does not have ‘blue blood’ in the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), Jokowi used this prerogative right to arrange his forces and create a grand coalition. The parties’ thirst for lucre from state projects through ministerial posts made Jokowi’s offers a tit-for-tat exchange. In his two terms, Jokowi was supported by 80 percent of DPR members. There is practically no opposition to balance Jokowi's growing and unchecked power towards the end of his presidency.
Jokowi’s pragmatic approach to Indonesian development was initially realized through paralyzing the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) in 2019. With the support of the majority of parties, the emasculation of the KPK was so successful that Jokowi was able to pass policies that violated procedure, reaching a peak when he manipulated the law to allow his son to run for the vice-presidency.
Prabowo Subianto should take a look at the damage done by Jokowi and his grand coalition. He should forget his desire to build his own grand coalition by bringing in the PDI-P, the party that proposed Ganjar Pranowo for the presidency. Prabowo must provide an opportunity for opposition in the legislature so that the democracy damaged by Jokowi can be revived.
In the 2024 legislative elections, the PDI-P won the largest vote share and 110 seats. With the failure of the United Development Party (PPP) to enter the legislature, the remaining parties that supported Anies Baswedan rather than Prabowo are NasDem, the Justice and Prosperous Party (PKS) and the National Awakening Party (PKB). Together, they garnered 190 seats.
The strength of 300 opposition seats against 280 supporting seats for Prabowo Subianto will add color to Indonesian democracy. A revival of democracy will be beneficial to Prabowo, who has long been accused of being an anti-democratic soldier. And Prabowo is not Jokowi, who failed to obtained support from his own party, meaning he had to look for support from other parties by tempting them with cabinet seats.
With his prerogative right as president, Prabowo Subianto also has an opportunity to establish a cabinet of experts, something that has not been seen in Indonesian politics since independence. An expert cabinet will make it possible for Indonesia to rid itself of the political patronage policies used by Jokowi in the 10 years he led Indonesia.
But perhaps these hopes for Prabowo are unrealistic. Apart from his victory not being certain until he is inaugurated on October 20, the results announced by the General Election Commission (KPU) still need to be tested in the Constitutional Court for allegations of fraud. With Gerindra finishing in third place, Prabowo’s position is also uncertain, meaning he could be tempted to use political horse-trading in naming his cabinet.
In this week’s edition, we discuss the maneuvering by the party elites vying for cabinet posts in the forthcoming government. Thank you for continuing to be a loyal reader of Tempo. Enjoy the magazine.
Bagja Hidayat
Deputy Chief Editor
Parties Requests Ministerial Seats in Prabowo’s Cabinet
Prabowo’s cabinet is expected to be filled with many party cadres. Jokowi and other officials from the coalition of parties supporting Prabowo-Gibran already floated a number of names.
On the Verge of Prabowo-PDI-P Coalition
Prabowo Subianto is actively lobbying the PDI-P, NasDem, and PKB. The Opportunity to get into Prabowo’s cabinet is wide open.
The Composition of Prabowo’s Cabinet
Prabowo Subianto already started to design the composition of his cabinet. There is a possibility that the number of ministers in Prabowo’s cabinet will increase.
Economy
Government SEO Strategic Streamlining foe Efficiency
The government consolidates state-owned enterprises into around 30 companies to increase efficiency and provide space for the private sector.
Environment
Anciety in Rempang over Relocation for Rempang Eco-City Project
All residents of Sembulang Hulu on Rempang Island are united in rejecting relocation for the Rempang Eco-City project. The relocation land is still being disputed.
You can read more complete report in Tempo Magazine:
Parties Requests Ministerial Seats in Prabowo’s Cabinet
On the Verge of Prabowo-PDI-P Coalition
The Composition of Prabowo’s Cabinet
Government SEO Strategic Streamlining foe Efficiency
Anciety in Rempang over Relocation for Rempang Eco-City Project
